Jimmy Carter: The US President who became China’s friend.

On a bright morning in January 1979, then-US President Jimmy Carter welcomed a historic visitor to Washington: Deng Xiaoping, the man who opened up China’s economy.

Deng, the first leader of Communist China to visit the United States, had arrived the previous evening, greeted by snow lights and the US vice president, secretary of state and their wives.

It was the beginning of a diplomatic relationship that would change the world forever, setting the stage for China’s economic rise — and, later, its rivalry with the United States.

Establishing formal relations with China was among Carter’s more notable legacies, during a tumultuous presidency that ended with one term.

Born on October 1, the same date the People’s Republic of China was founded, “he liked to say that it was fate that brought him and China together,” said Yavi Liu, a close friend of Carter’s.

Even after leaving office, he painstakingly cultivated a close relationship with the Chinese people — but it suffered as relations between Washington and Beijing cooled.

Yet he is one of a small group of American politicians favored by Beijing to help bring Communist China out of isolation in the 1970s.

Beijing has expressed its condolences, calling Carter the “driving force” behind the 1979 accord. But the Chinese Internet has gone further, referring to him as “Merenzong” or “Honorable American,” a title once reserved for emperors.

Carter first met with China in 1949, when the country was in the final throes of a decades-long bloody civil war.

As a young American naval officer, his submarine unit was sent to Qingdao in eastern China. They were to support the Kuomintang troops who were holding off the Communist encirclement of Mao Zedong’s army.

Just kilometers behind the enemy lines was a Chinese commander named Deng Xiaoping.

When they finally met decades later, it was as leaders of their respective countries.

It was a former US president, Richard Nixon, and his Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, who set the stage for Mao’s celebration of China. With differences between Beijing and Moscow, they saw an opportunity to alienate the Soviet ally.

But those efforts ended under Carter and Deng, who emphasized deeper ties. For months, the US president sent trusted negotiators to secret talks with Beijing.

This development took place at the end of 1978. In mid-December, the two countries announced that they would “recognize each other and establish diplomatic relations from January 1, 1979”.

The world was shocked and Beijing was delighted, but the island of Taiwan, which had long relied on US support against Chinese claims, was crushed. Carter is still a controversial figure there.

Previously, the US only recognized the government of Taiwan. which China regarded as a rebel province.. And for years US support for Taiwan has been a sticking point in negotiations.

Acknowledging Beijing meant that the US had finally accepted China’s position that China had only one government and that was in Beijing. This is One China PolicyWhich is the cornerstone of US-China relations till date.

But the Axis raised inevitable questions about American commitment to its allies. Unhappy with Carter’s decision, Congress eventually forced its right to provide Taiwan with defensive weapons through the Code of Conduct, thus creating a lasting contradiction in American foreign policy.

Historians still agree that 1979 signaled an extraordinary move that reconfigured global power: it not only united the United States and China against the Soviet Union, but also brought peace and rapid economic growth to East Asia. It also paved the way for development.

But Carter could not have done this without his special relationship with Deng Xiaoping. According to Deng’s biographer Ezra Vogel, Carter wrote in his diary after spending a day with Deng during a January visit, “He is a pleasure to converse with.”

“They both followed common sense, their no-nonsense personalities actually had striking similarities,” said Dali Yang, a professor of political science at the University of Chicago. “There was something really unique between the two men that really built trust.”

Deng Xiaoping survived three political alignments under Mao to emerge as one of China’s most prolific leaders. Historians attribute this important diplomatic victory to his vision, self-confidence, frankness and quick wit.

He sensed the opportunity that Carter presented, Vogel writes — both to thwart Soviet power and to initiate the modernization that had begun in Japan, Taiwan, and even South Korea. He knew it would survive China without American help.

Deng’s visit to the US began with a warm first meeting at the White House, where he laughed with Carter as he revealed his Qingdao connection, according to Chinese reports. The two joined hands in front of cameras in the Rose Garden, saying: “Now the people of our two countries are shaking hands.”

Over the next few days, Deng launched a whirlwind offensive against the Americans, touring several states with Carter. In one famous photo, Deng is seen smiling as he wears a cowboy hat at a Texan rodeo. “Deng Shuns Politics, Goes Texan,” read a local newspaper headline.

According to Vogel, Carter described Deng as “smart, tough, intelligent, frank, courageous, personable, confident, friendly.”

He later wrote in his diary that the trip was “one of the happiest experiences of my presidency… For me, everything went well, and the Chinese leaders seemed equally happy.”

“Carter was really a catalytic agent that was more than a diplomatic rapprochement — it was a dramatic moment of signaling,” said Orville Schell, director of the Asia Society’s Center on U.S.-China Relations, who in 1979 wrote to a journalist. It is covered as such. Deng’s journey.

“It introduced Deng to the country and, indeed, the world. It turned a contentious relationship into a very pleasant one. The way Carter and Deng interacted, it was an indication that for both people It’s okay to put the date aside and start a new relationship.”

Under Carter, China was granted “most favored nation” trade status, which boosted its economy and created jobs. Within a year, bilateral trade between the two countries doubled.

Over the next decade, China became an important trading partner not only for the US but for the world, which was “extraordinarily important” to China’s development, Professor Yang said.

Carter’s relationship with China continued long after his presidency ended.

In the 1990s, his non-profit group, the Carter Center, played an important role in China’s nascent grassroots democracy where – at the invitation of the Chinese government – ​​he observed village elections, trained officials and educated voters. gave

Unusually for a former US president, Carter returned to China several times on personal visits. On one trip, he and his wife Roselyn helped build shelters for victims of the 2008 Sichuan earthquake.

His commitment to humanitarian work, his humble background as the son of a peanut farmer, and “people style”—which contrasted with the formal public persona of Chinese leaders—endeared him to many Chinese. Liked, according to Professor Yang: “He should be seen as a role model of a leader who cares not only in rhetoric but also in action.”

“Wherever he traveled in China, people expressed their warm feelings for him… The Chinese people really liked him for his courage and honesty,” said Dr. Liu, a senior adviser at the Carter Center. He accompanied Carter on several trips, including a 2014 visit where he was welcomed by local officials and universities.

In Qingdao, the city put on a spectacular fireworks display to mark his 90th birthday. In Beijing, Deng’s daughter hosted a banquet and presented a gift – a copy of the People’s Daily front page of the 1979 communique. “Both were moved to tears,” Dr. Liu recalled.

This was his last visit. As US-China relations strengthened, so did Carter’s relationship with the Chinese leadership, especially after Xi Jinping took power.

On the eve of his 2014 visit, top government officials instructed universities not to sponsor his events, prompting a last-minute scramble to change venues. Carter noted..

Mr. Shell recalled that a state dinner held for him at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing was poorly attended. Notably, it was hosted by then-Vice President Lee Yuanchow, while Xi is said to be entertaining another dignitary at the complex.

“He wouldn’t even come to tip his hat to Carter. That really showed the state of the relationship,” Mr Shell said. “Carter was really angry. Two of his assistants told me he even wanted to leave early because he was disrespected.”

The Carter Center’s activities in China were eventually suspended, and a website documenting village elections was taken offline. No clear explanation was given at the time, but Dr Liu attributed this to China’s growing suspicion of foreign organizations after the 2010 Arab Spring.

Although Carter said little publicly about the flirtation, it may have been felt less strongly, given the lengths to which he went to advocate the engagement.

He has also raised questions about whether his approach to human rights with China – which he described as “patient” but which others criticized as soft – was ultimately justified.

Carter often made “a great effort … not to point fingers in China’s eye on the question of human rights,” Mr. Schell noted. “He pissed himself off even when he was out of office, because the Carter Center had a real stake in the country.”

Some see its decision to align itself with Communist China as a result of American salience at the time. After the violent chaos of the Cultural Revolution, “there was distrust among many Americans – how could the Chinese live in angry isolation?” Professor Yang said. “American leaders really had a real desire to help.”

Others argue that in an effort to gain support against the Soviet Union, the United States paved the way for China’s rise and created one of its greatest rivals.

But these measures also benefited millions of Chinese, helping lift them out of poverty and – for a time – expanding political freedom at the local level.

“I think from that generation we were all children of engagement,” Mr. Shell said. “We were hoping that Carter would find the formula that would gradually bring about a comfortable relationship with China. [the] America and the rest of the world.”

Towards the end of his life, Carter became increasingly alarmed about the growing mistrust between the US and China, often warning of a possible “modern Cold War”.

“In 1979, Deng Xiaoping and I knew we were advancing the cause of peace. While today’s leaders face a different world, the cause of peace is just as important.” He wrote On the 40th anniversary of the normalization of relations.

“[Leaders] We must embrace our belief that America and China need to work together to shape their future for themselves and for all of humanity.